electorate of Great Britain, in order that, when for the first time the
constitutional questions involved are placed before voters unprejudiced
by class interests or a fellow-feeling for the pretensions of property
wherever situate, there may be a body of electors who realise the
gravity of the problems in question, and who have a full appreciation of
the history of the case.

The Irish question has at no time been brought before the English public
less than at the present day. Fenianism in the seventies and the various
agrarian agitations in the eighties served to keep it constantly before
the English eyes, and after the acquittal of Mr. Parnell and his
colleagues of the charges brought against them by the _Times_ much
educative work was done for a short time by Irish Members of Parliament
on English platforms.

The demands of Ireland have always been met by an unjust dilemma. When
she has been disturbed the reply has been that till quiet is restored
nothing can be done, and when a peaceful Ireland has demanded
legislation the absence of agitation has been adduced as a reason for
the retort that the request is not widespread, and can, in consequence,
be ignored.

The remedy against such inaction proving successful in the future lies
in the existence of a strong body of public opinion in Great Britain,
educated to such a degree in the facts of the case as to brook no delay
in the application of remedies. As for us, we cannot expect to be
believed on our mere _ipse dixit_, and must state our case frankly and
fully. The present moment seems timely, before the smoke of conflict has
once again obscured the broad principles at issue. I propose to deal
with reform in a plea of urgency, endeavouring at the same time to trace