people," to which some historians are now tending to attribute an
important if not a decisive role in our struggle for national unity
and independence, was hardly on the scene at all. The active agency
was always an idea become a person--it was one or several determined
wills which were fixed on determined goals. There can be no question
that the birth of modern Italy was the work of the few. And it could
not be otherwise. It is always the few who represent the
self-consciousness and the will of an epoch and determine what its
history shall be; for it is they who see the forces at their disposal
and through those forces actuate the one truly active and productive
force--their own will.

That will we find in the song of the poets and the ideas of the
political writers, who know how to use a language harmonious with a
universal sentiment or with a sentiment capable of becoming universal.
In the case of Italy, in all our bards, philosophers and leaders, from
Alfieri to Foscolo, from Leopardi to Manzoni, from Mazzini to
Gioberti, we are able to pick up the threads of a new fabric, which is
a new kind of thought, a new kind of soul, a new kind of Italy. This
new Italy differed from the old Italy in something that was very
simple but yet was of the greatest importance: this new Italy took
life seriously, while the old one did not. People in every age had
dreamed of an Italy and talked of an Italy. The notion of Italy had
been sung in all kinds of music, propounded in all kinds of
philosophy. But it was always an Italy that existed in the brain of
some scholar whose learning was more or less divorced from reality.
Now reality demands that convictions be taken seriously, that ideas
become actions. Accordingly it was necessary that this Italy, which
was an affair of brains only, become also an affair of hearts, become,
that is, something serious, something alive. This, and no other, was