and apart from which they could not live. The nationalistic State was,
therefore, an aristocratic State, enforcing itself upon the masses
through the power conferred upon it by its origins.

The Fascist State, on the contrary, is a people's state, and, as such,
the democratic State _par excellence_. The relationship between State
and citizen (not this or that citizen, but all citizens) is
accordingly so intimate that the State exists only as, and in so far
as, the citizen causes it to exist. Its formation therefore is the
formation of a consciousness of it in individuals, in the masses.
Hence the need of the Party, and of all the instruments of propaganda
and education which Fascism uses to make the thought and will of the
_Duce_ the thought and will of the masses. Hence the enormous task
which Fascism sets itself in trying to bring the whole mass of the
people, beginning with the little children, inside the fold of the
Party.

On the popular character of the Fascist State likewise depends its
greatest social and constitutional reform--the foundation of the
Corporations of Syndicates. In this reform Fascism took over from
syndicalism the notion of the moral and educational function of the
syndicate. But the Corporations of Syndicates were necessary in order
to reduce the syndicates to State discipline and make them an
expression of the State's organism from within. The Corporation of
Syndicates are a device through which the Fascist State goes looking
for the individual in order to create itself through the individual's
will. But the individual it seeks is not the abstract political
individual whom the old liberalism took for granted. He is the only
individual who can ever be found, the individual who exists as a
specialized productive force, and who, by the fact of his