Europe in the harbour of Genoa, and the proud republican city showed
what a welcome she had prepared for her sovereign of the Savoy race.

After the Congress of Vienna finished its labours, there were, as has
been remarked, ten states in Italy, but out of Sardinia (whose
subjugation Prince Metternich esteemed a mere matter of time) there
was one master. The authority of the Emperor Francis was practically
as undisputed from Venice to the Bay of Naples as it was in the Grand
Duchy of Austria. The Austrians garrisoned Piacenza, Ferrara and
Commacchio; Austrian princes reigned in Tuscany, Parma, Modena and
Lucca; the King of Naples, who paid Austria twenty-six million francs
for getting back his throne, thankfully agreed to support a German
army to protect him against his subjects. In the secret treaty
concluded between himself and the Emperor of Austria, it was
stipulated that the King of the Two Sicilies should not introduce into
his government any principles irreconcilable with those adopted by His
Imperial Majesty in the government of his Italian provinces. As for
the Roman States, Austria reckoned on her influence in always
securing the election of a Pope who would give her no trouble. Seeing
herself without rivals and all-powerful, she deemed her position
unassailable. She forgot that, by giving Italy an unity of misery, she
was preparing the way for another unity. Common hatred engendered
common love; common sufferings led on to a common effort. If some
prejudices passed away under the Napoleonic rule, many more still
remained, and possibly, to eradicate so old an evil, no cure less
drastic than universal servitude would have sufficed. Italians felt
for the first time what before only the greatest among them had
felt--that they were brothers in one household, children of one mother
whom they were bound to redeem. Jealousies and millennial feuds died
out; the intense municipal spirit which, imperfect as it was, had yet