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The Liberation of Italy by Countess Evelyn Martinengo-Cesaresco
page 55 of 439 (12%)
President of the Council laid down the principle that France should
abstain from intervention; he has declared that she would not tolerate
intervention on the part of others. France might have shut herself up
in a cold egotism, and simply said that she would not intervene; this
would have been contemptible, but the proclamation of not suffering
the interventions of others is the noblest attitude a strong and
magnanimous people can assume; it amounts to saying: Not only will I
not attack or disturb other nations, but I, France, whose voice is
respected by Europe and by the whole world, will never permit others
to do so. This is the language held by the ministry and by the
ambassadors of Louis Philippe; and it is this which the army, the
National Guard, France entire, is ready to maintain.'

Truly language was invented to travesty the truth, and when French
politicians say they are going to the right it is an almost sure sign
that they are going to the left; nevertheless, is it possible to blame
the Italians who read in these assurances a positive promise affecting
their own case?

The same assurances were repeated again and again through the winter
of 1830-31; they were repeated authoritatively as late as March in the
latter year. Well may a French writer inquire: 'Was it insanity or
treachery?'

The good tidings were published by the Italian exiles, who, living
close to the great centres of European politics, were the first to
intoxicate themselves with the great delusion. From London, Gabriele
Rossetti sent the exultant summons:

Cingi l'elmo, la mitra deponi,
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