he can, or rather fail, if he can, to trace the evidences of design and
concert of action among its chief architects, from the beginning.

The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half the
States by State constitutions, and from most of the national territory
by Congressional prohibition. Four days later commenced the struggle
which ended in repealing that Congressional prohibition. This opened
all the national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained.

But, so far, Congress only had acted, and an indorsement by the people,
real or apparent, was indispensable, to save the point already gained,
and give chance for more.

This necessity had not been overlooked, but had been provided for, as
well as might be, in the notable argument of "squatter sovereignty,"
otherwise called "sacred right of self-government," which latter
phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government,
was so perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this:
That if any _one_ man choose to enslave _another_, no _third_ man shall
be allowed to object. That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska
bill itself, in the language which follows: "It being the true intent
and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or
State, nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof
perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in
their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States."
Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of "Squatter
Sovereignty" and "sacred right of self-government." "But," said
opposition members, "let us amend the bill so as to expressly declare
that the people of the Territory may exclude slavery." "Not we," said
the friends of the measure; and down they voted the amendment.