from 1836 to 1842, during which there were only 50 executions, the
commitments for murder were fewer by 61 than in the six years
preceding with 74 executions; fewer by 63 than in the six years
ending 1830 with 75 executions; fewer by 56 than in the six years
ending 1824 with 94 executions; and fewer by 93 than in the six
years ending 1818 when there was no less a number of executions than
122. But it may be said, perhaps, that in the inference we draw
from this return, we are substituting cause for effect, and that in
each successive cycle, the number of murders decreased in
consequence of the example of public executions in the cycle
immediately preceding, and that it was for that reason there were
fewer commitments. This might be said with some colour of truth, if
the example had been taken from two successive cycles only. But
when the comparative examples adduced are of no less than five
successive cycles, and the result gradually and constantly
progressive in the same direction, the relation of facts to each
other is determined beyond all ground for dispute, namely, that the
number of these crimes has diminished in consequence of the
diminution of the number of executions. More especially when it is
also remembered that it was immediately after the first of these
cycles of five years, when there had been the greatest number of
executions and the greatest number of murders, that the greatest
number of persons were suddenly cast loose upon the country, without
employ, by the reduction of the Army and Navy; that then came
periods of great distress and great disturbance in the agricultural
and manufacturing districts; and above all, that it was during the
subsequent cycles that the most important mitigations were effected
in the law, and that the Punishment of Death was taken away not only
for crimes of stealth, such as cattle and horse stealing and
forgery, of which crimes corresponding statistics show likewise a