whatever for the future. Hence we say that the improvidence of the
colliers, as of the iron-workers, is but a survival of the system of
slavery in our political constitution.

Matters have now become entirely different. The workman, no matter what
his trade, is comparatively free. The only slavery from which he
suffers, is his passion for drink. In this respect he still resembles
the Esquimaux and the North American Indians. Would he be really free?
Then he must exercise the powers of a free, responsible man. He must
exercise self-control and self-constraint,--and sacrifice present
personal gratifications for prospective enjoyments of a much higher
kind. It is only by self-respect and self-control that the position of
the workman can be really elevated.

The working man is now more of a citizen than he ever was before. He is
a recognized power, and has been admitted within the pale of the
constitution. For him mechanics' institutes, newspapers, benefit
societies, and all the modern agencies of civilization, exist in
abundance. He is admitted to the domain of intellect; and, from time to
time, great thinkers, artists, engineers, philosophers, and poets, rise
up from his order, to proclaim that intellect is of no rank, and
nobility of no exclusive order. The influences of civilization are
rousing society to its depths; and daily evidences are furnished of the
rise of the industrious classes to a position of social power.
Discontent may, and does, exhibit itself; but discontent is only the
necessary condition of improvement; for a man will not be stimulated to
rise up into a higher condition unless he be first made dissatisfied
with the lower condition out of which he has to rise. To be satisfied is
to repose; while, to be rationally dissatisfied, is to contrive, to
work, and to act, with an eye to future advancement.