employers and employees by the Forty-ninth Congress, in 1886, and its
application was extended to our diplomatic relations by the unanimous
concurrence of the Senate and House of the Fifty-first Congress in 1890.
The latter resolution was accepted as the basis of negotiations with
us by the British House of Commons in 1893, and upon our invitation a
treaty of arbitration between the United States and Great Britain was
signed at Washington and transmitted to the Senate for its ratification
in January last. Since this treaty is clearly the result of our own
initiative; since it has been recognized as the leading feature of our
foreign policy throughout our entire national history--the adjustment of
difficulties by judicial methods rather than force of arms--and since
it presents to the world the glorious example of reason and peace, not
passion and war, controlling the relations between two of the greatest
nations in the world, an example certain to be followed by others,
I respectfully urge the early action of the Senate thereon, not merely
as a matter of policy, but as a duty to mankind. The importance and
moral influence of the ratification of such a treaty can hardly be
overestimated in the cause of advancing civilization. It may well engage
the best thought of the statesmen and people of every country, and I
cannot but consider it fortunate that it was reserved to the United
States to have the leadership in so grand a work.

It has been the uniform practice of each President to avoid, as far
as possible, the convening of Congress in extraordinary session. It
is an example which, under ordinary circumstances and in the absence
of a public necessity, is to be commended. But a failure to convene
the representatives of the people in Congress in extra session when
it involves neglect of a public duty places the responsibility of
such neglect upon the Executive himself. The condition of the public
Treasury, as has been indicated, demands the immediate consideration of