preventing two sections degenerating into factions, but with a number of
sections there is absolutely none.

Here, then, we see the one great merit of the present system of
election, which explains why it has persisted so long, with all its
faults. It is that it tends to confine representation to the two main
parties, since each electorate is generally contested by them; but in so
far as it does not completely effect that object and allows
representation to independent factions it is defective. Moreover, the
merit we have indicated is purchased at too high a price. It is these
defects which are causing the degradation of representative institutions
throughout the world to-day.

It is obviously impossible to give a just share of representation to two
parties and allow each party to elect its most popular leaders, in an
electorate which returns only a single representative. Hence the first
necessity for reform is to enlarge electorates, so that each may return
several representatives. Now, the requirements for giving effect to the
principles of organization and leadership in such an electorate are:--

1. Proportional representation to the two main parties--Ministerial
and Opposition, the majority and the minority.

2. The election by each party of its most popular
candidates--_i.e._, those most in general favour with all sections
of the party.

This is the problem of representation as it presents itself to us.
Leaving a detailed account of the means by which it is proposed to give
effect to these great desiderata to a later chapter, let us indicate