fact, that to divide each electorate into majority and minority is to
divide the whole country into majority and minority, nor that the
injustice is tolerated because it is usually as bad for one party as the
other. Instead, therefore, of proposing to do justice to both the
majority and the minority in each electorate, he proposed to allow
representation to as many minorities as possible. To him, the rule of
the majority was the rule of a majority of interests; this he called the
constitutional majority, as opposed to the "mere rule of numbers." Now,
at the time Mr. Hare wrote party government was rather weak in England.
He quotes with approval a statement of Mr. Sidney Herbert, M.P., that
the House was divided into many parties, or rather no party, because the
country was divided into many parties or no party, and that the division
into two parties would never be restored again. It is amusing, in view
of after events, to find Mr. Hare asking what would be the result of any
contrivance to re-establish party. Assuming that _party_ representation
was dead, Mr. Hare proposed to substitute _personal_ representation. It
is positively ludicrous at this interval of time to note how the
electors were expected to group themselves. They were to take personal
merit as the basis of representation; every vote cast was to be a
spontaneous tribute to the qualities and attainments of the person for
whom it was given. And in order, presumably, that they should choose
good men in preference to corrupt men, the polling-day was to be set
apart as a sacred holiday, and church services were to be held to
solemnize the public act and seek for the Divine blessing!

The maintenance of a responsible ministry in such a House presented no
difficulty to Mr. Hare. The electors were to indicate whom they
considered the most illustrious statesmen, and no one would dare to
question their decision!