But in practice the case would be far worse than we have assumed. There
is not the slightest guarantee that the same six factions would be
elected in each six-seat electorate. We might have an unlimited number
of delegates of various religions, classes, races, localities, and
political organizations on all kinds of single questions. An assembly
formed on these lines could hardly be dignified with the name of a
representative assembly.

Mr. G. Bradford, in his work on "The Lesson of Popular Government,"
displays a more intimate knowledge of human nature than any other recent
writer. Of these schemes for the representation of minorities he says:--

As an illustration of the effect in popular government of looking
to popular impulse for the initiation of measures, it may be
observed that perhaps the worst of all expedients for remedying the
defective working of a government by a legislature like ours, that
which combines the evils of them all, is one which is urged by
perfectly disinterested advocates of reform, and is known as
proportional representation. If there is one principle at the base
of popular government it is that the majority shall rule. If the
largest of three or four fractions is to rule it ceases to be
popular government, and becomes government by faction. If the
tyranny of the majority is bad a tyranny of the minority is still
worse. (Vol. i., p. 505.)

And the following picture could hardly be better drawn:--

If the basis of carrying on the government is to be the wishes of
some millions of units, it is evident that they must to a greater
or less extent agree in wishing for something. It is equally