opinion has nothing to do with the character of public opinion. The two
difficulties laid down are essentially one. The cardinal fact underlying
representation is that it is a real social force, capable of reacting
upon and moulding character, and therefore of improving the value of
public opinion. The independence, love of freedom, respect for
minorities, and capacity for self-government, which are the most
distinctive traits in the English character, are not innate, but are
largely the products of the British Constitution. If the only chance of
improving the value of public opinion lay in the hope of inducing the
individual electors to study the lessons of history, the prospect would
be indeed gloomy.

Professor Brown regards party government as a necessary evil, resulting
from the mechanical difficulty of securing unity of action from a
plurality of wills. This is practically equivalent to saying that
legislation itself is a necessary evil. But he writes:--"Whatever may be
the evils of party government, there can be no doubt of the utility as
well as of the necessity of the institution itself. The alternative to
party government is the system of government by small groups. In
Australia the evils of this alternative have been occasionally displayed
in practical politics; but it is to France that we must look for their
supreme illustration." Turning to the chapter on the Hare system, we
find that Professor Brown believes that the electors would still divide
themselves into two parties, even if given the opportunity to form small
groups. "I cannot believe," he writes, "that the reputation of our race
for sound common-sense is so far misplaced that a provision for the
faithful representation of the people would end in an immoderate
Legislature! For, although the Hare system is not perfect, it does
undoubtedly afford an opportunity for an absolutely _fair
representation_. Of course the opportunity would be abused by some; but