experiment in republicanism. But still the fatal defect of
disorganization retards her progress; the Legislature is still split up
into contending factions, and in consequence it has been found
impossible to maintain a strong executive. Occasionally the factions
sink their differences for a time when their patriotism is appealed to,
as they have agreed to do during the currency of the present Exhibition,
but it is abundantly evident that France can never be well governed
till the people are able to organize two coherent parties. There is
ground for hope that the monarchical and imperialist ideas are
declining, and that the people are settling down to the conviction that
there is nothing left but the republic. What makes recovery difficult is
that the national character has been affected by the continual strife in
the direction of excitability and desire for change.

Those who wish to understand the forces which brought about the
different changes and revolutions, traced by one who has grasped their
meaning, should read the account in the first volume of Mr. Bradford's
"Lesson of Popular Government." His conclusion only need be quoted
here:--

As has been said, that which constitutes the strength of the
English. Government, that which has made up its history for the
last two hundred years, is the growth and continuity of two solid
and coherent parties. Occasionally they have wavered when available
leaders and issues were wanting, but as soon as a strong man came
forward to take the reins the ranks closed up and the work of
mutual competition again went on. On the other hand, the curse and
the cause of failure of representative government on the Continent
of Europe is the formation within the legislature of unstable and
dissolving groups. In France the Extreme Eight, the Eight, the