was demonstrated by the incarceration of Mr. Parnell in Kilmainham, the
disavowal, under pressure, of the no-rent manifesto by Archbishop Croke,
and the suppression of the Land League. In sequestrating Mr. Davitt, Mr.
Forster, as was shown by the extraordinary scenes which in the House of
Commons followed his arrest, had struck at the core of the revolution,
and had the Irish Secretary not been deserted by Mr. Gladstone, under
influences which originated at Kilmainham, and were reinforced by the
pressure of the United States Government in the spring of 1882, history
might have had a very different tale to tell of the last six years in
Ireland and in Great Britain.[6]


V.

It was after the return of Mr. George from Ireland to New York in 1882
that the first black point appeared on the horizon, of the conflict,
inevitable in the nature of things, between the social revolution and
the Catholic Church, which assumed such serious proportions two years
ago in America, and which is now developing itself in Ireland. Among the
ablest and the most earnest converts in America to the doctrine of the
new social revolution was the Rev. Dr. M'Glynn, a Catholic priest,
standing in the front rank of his order in New York, in point alike of
eloquence in the pulpit, and of influence in private life. Finding, like
Michael Davitt, in the doctrine of Henry George an outcome and a
confirmation of the principle laid down in 1848 for the liberation of
Ireland by Finton Lalor, Dr. M'Glynn threw himself ardently into the
advocacy of that doctrine,--so ardently that in August 1882 the Prefect
of the Propaganda, Cardinal Simeoni, found it necessary to invite the
attention of Cardinal M'Closkey, then Archbishop of New York, to
speeches of Dr. M'Glynn, reported in the _Irish World_ of New York, as