necessary to my purpose.

What I seek to show is that the Irish are not peculiar in their manner
of expressing their discontent with a government directed or controlled
by the public opinion of another indifferent or semi-hostile community
which it is impossible to resist in open warfare; that Anglo-Saxons
resort to somewhat the same methods under similar circumstances, and
that lawlessness and cruelty, considered as expressions of political
animosity, do not necessarily argue any incapacity for the conduct of an
orderly and efficient government, although I admit freely that they do
argue a low state of civilization.

I will add one more illustration which, although more remote than those
which I have taken from the Southern States during the reconstruction
period, is not too remote for my purpose, and is in some respects
stronger than any of them. I do not know a more orderly community in the
world, or one which, down to the outbreak of the Civil War, when
manufactures began to multiply, and the Irish immigration began to pour
in, had a higher average of intelligence than the State of Connecticut.
Down to 1818 all voters in that State had to be members of the
Congregational Church. It had no large cities, and this, with the aid of
its seat of learning, Yale College, preserved in it, I think, in greater
purity than even Massachusetts, the old Puritan simplicity of manners,
the Puritan spirit of order and thrift, and the business-like view of
government which grew out of the practice of town government. A less
sentimental community, I do not think, exists anywhere, or one in which
the expression of strong feeling on any subject but religion is less
cultivated or viewed with less favour. In the matter of managing their
own political affairs in peace or war, I do not expect the Irish to
equal the Connecticut people for a hundred years to come, no matter how