roused our blood, and the foolish attempts which the Radical and Irish
electors in some constituencies had made to deter their members from
supporting it had told the other way, and disposed these members to vote
for it, in order to show that they were not to be cowed by threats.
Finally, we were assured that votes given for the Coercion Bill would
purchase a thorough-going Land Bill, and our anxiety for the latter
induced us, naturally, but erringly, to acquiesce in the former.

When that Land Bill went into Committee we perceived how much harm the
Coercion Bill had done in intensifying the bitterness of Irish members.
Although the Ministry was fighting for their interests against the Tory
party and the so-called Whiggish section of its own supporters, who were
seeking to cut down the benefits which the measure offered to Irish
tenants, the Nationalist members regarded it, and in particular Mr.
Forster, as their foe. They resented what they deemed the insult put
upon their country. They saw those who had been fighting, often, no
doubt, by unlawful methods, for the national cause, thrown into prison
and kept there without trial. They anticipated (not without reason) the
same fortune for themselves. Hence the friendliness which the Liberal
party sought to show them met with no response, and Mr. Forster was
worried with undiminished vehemence. In the discussions on the Bill we
found the Ministry generally resisting all amendments which came from
Irish members. When these amendments seemed to us right, we voted for
them, but they were almost always defeated by the union of the Tories
with the steady Ministerialists. Subsequent events have proved that many
were right, but, whether they were right or wrong, the fact which
impressed us was that in matters which concerned Ireland only, and lay
within the exclusive knowledge of Irishmen, Irish members were
constantly outvoted by English and Scotch members, who knew nothing at
all of the merits of the case, but simply obeyed the party whip. This