Irish problem must be sought in conciliation and self-government, if
only because the other solution, Crown Colony Government, was utterly
repugnant to the English masses, in whom the Franchise Bill of 1884,
completing that of 1867, had vested political supremacy.[5]

Session of 1885.--The allied powers of Toryism and Nationalism gained in
this year the victory they had so long striven for. In February they
reduced the Ministerial majority to fourteen; in June they overthrew the
Ministry. No one supposed that on either occasion the merits of the
issue had anything to do with the Nationalist vote: that vote was given
simply and solely against the Government, as the Government which had
passed the Coercion Acts of 1881 and 1882--Acts demanded by the Tory
party, and which had not conceded an Irish Parliament. At last the Irish
party had attained its position as the arbiter of power and office. Some
of us said, as we walked away from the House, under the dawning light of
that memorable 9th of June, "This means Home Rule." Our forecast was
soon to be confirmed. Lord Salisbury's Cabinet, formed upon the
resignation of Mr. Gladstone's, announced that it would not propose to
renew any part of the Coercion Act of 1882, which was to expire in
August. Here was a surrender indeed! But the Tory leaders went further.
They did not excuse themselves on the ground of want of time. They took
credit for their benevolence towards Ireland; they discovered excellent
reasons why the Act should be dropped. They even turned upon Lord
Spencer, whose administration they had hitherto blamed for its leniency,
and attacked him in Parliament, among the cheers of his Irish enemies.
From that time till the close of the General Election in December
everything was done, short of giving public pledges, to keep the Irish
leaders and the Irish voters in good humour. The Tory party in fact
posed as the true friends of Ireland, averse from coercion, and with
minds perfectly open on the subject of self-government.