movements in Italy, Hungary, Greece, and Germany have had the same
effect. Lastly, the sentiment of Home Rule has gained the sympathy of
large bodies of electors in the constituencies of Great Britain, and,
under the circumstances, it is difficult to suppose that, even if the
country remains quiet, constitutional agitation will vanish or the Irish
relinquish their most cherished ambition.

We hear, from men who ought to know something of Ireland, that if the
Land question is once settled, and dual ownership practically abolished,
the tenants will be satisfied, and the movement for Home Rule will no
longer find active support in Ireland. Without going into the whole of
this argument, I should like to say two things: first, that I do not
know how a large scheme of Land Purchase can be carried through
Parliament with safety to Imperial interests without establishing, at
the same time, some strong Irish Government in Dublin to act between the
Imperial Government and the tenants of Ireland; and, second, that the
feeling for Home Rule has a vitality of its own which will survive the
Land question, even if independently settled.

Home Rule is an expression of national feeling which cannot be
extinguished in Ireland, and the only safe method of dealing with it is
to turn its force and power to the support of an Irish Government
established for the management of local Irish affairs. There are those
who think that this must lead to separation. I cannot believe in this
fear, for I know of no English statesman who looks upon complete
separation of Ireland from Great Britain as possible. The geographical
position of Ireland, the social and commercial connection between the
two peoples, renders such a thing impossible. The Irish know this, and
they are not so foolish as to think that they could gain their
independence by force of arms; but I do not believe that they desire it.