many facts about Ireland we had not known before; we felt the force and
bearing of other facts previously accepted on hearsay, but not realized.
We saw the Irish problem change from what it had been in 1880 into the
new phase which stood apparent at the end of 1885, Coercion abandoned by
its former advocates, Self-government demanded by the nation. Were we to
disregard all these new facts, ignore all these new conditions, and
cling to old ideas, some of which we perceived to be mistaken, while
others, still true in themselves, were out-weighed by arguments of far
wider import? We did not so estimate our duty. We foresaw the taunts of
foes and the reproaches of friends. But we resolved to give effect to
the opinions we slowly, painfully, even reluctantly formed, opinions all
the stronger because not suddenly adopted, and founded upon evidence
whose strength no one can appreciate till he has studied the causes of
Irish discontent in Irish history, and been forced (as we were) to face
in Parliament the practical difficulties of the government of Ireland by
the British House of Commons.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 3: I may mention here another fact whose significance
impressed some among us. Parliament, which usually sinned in not doing
for Ireland what Ireland asked, occasionally passed bills for Ireland
which were regarded as setting very bad precedents for England. By some
bargain between the Irish Office and the Nationalist members, measures
were put through which may have been right as respects Ireland, but
which embodied principles mischievous as respects Great Britain. We felt
that if it was necessary to enact such statutes, it would be better that
they should proceed from an Irish Legislature rather than from the
Imperial Parliament, which might be embarrassed by its own acts when
asked to extend the same principles to England. The Labourers' Act of