morn over the whole plantation land. The truth is, that the simple facts
and figures relative to this country are not generally known. Let the
Northern people but once learn the truths existing in their favor, and
there will be an end to this misapprehension. There has been thus far no
hesitation or irresolution among the people in the conduct of the war.
'Conquer them first,' has been the glorious war-cry from millions of the
freest men on earth. But when we are driving a nail it is well to know
that it will be possible to eventually clench it. And when the country
shall fully understand the ease with which this Union nail may be
clenched, there will be, let us hope, a greatly revived spirit in all
now interested in forwarding the war.

It is evident enough that if all the millions of the South remain united
to the death in the cause of secession, little else than a guerilla
warfare of endless length is to be hoped for. The accounts of the
enthusiasm and harmony at present prevailing in Eastern Virginia, and in
other places controlled by the active secessionists, have struck terror
to the hearts of many. But, united though they be, they must be more
than mortal if they could resist the influences of a counter-revolution,
and of strong bodies of enemies in the heart of their country, aided by
a mighty foe without. 'Hercules was a strong man,' says the proverb,
'but he could not pay money when he had none;' and the South may be
strong, but she can hardly fail to be entirely crippled when certain
agencies shall be brought to bear against her. Let us examine them, and
find wherein her weakness consists.

The first is the easy possibility of a _counter-revolution_ among the
inhabitants of the mountain districts, who hold but few slaves, who have
preserved a devoted love for the Union, and who are, if not at positive
feud, at least on anything but social harmony with their aristocratic