men, but they did not intend to declare all men equal _in all respects_.
They did not mean to say that all were equal in colour, size, intellect,
moral developments, or social capacity. They defined with tolerable
distinctness in what respects they did consider all men created
equal,--equal with "certain inalienable rights, among which are life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." This they said, and this they
meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth that all were
then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to
confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer
such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the
enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.

They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society, which should be
familiar to all and revered by all,--constantly looked to, constantly
laboured for, and, even though never perfectly attained, constantly
approximated, and thereby constantly spreading and deepening its
influence, and augmenting the happiness and value of life to all people
of all colours everywhere. The assertion that "all men are created
equal," was of no practical use in effecting our separation from Great
Britain; and it was placed in the Declaration, not for that, but for
future use. Its authors meant it to be as, thank God, it is now proving
itself, a stumbling-block to all those who in after times might seek to
turn a free people back into the hateful paths of despotism. They knew
the proneness of prosperity to breed tyrants, and they meant, when such
should reappear in this fair land and commence their vocation, that they
should find left for them at least one hard nut to crack.

I have now briefly expressed my view of the meaning and object of that
part of the Declaration of Independence which declares that all men are
created equal. Now let us hear Judge Douglas's view of the same