press of to-day, with here and there the weak voice of an impotent
Liberalism crying in the wilderness. Germany has, indeed, become
thoroughly disgusted and the hour of reconciliation has long since
gone by. In Lever's time it was now or never; the chance not taken
then would be lost for ever, and the English publicist of to-day
is not in doubt that it is now too late. His heart-searchings need
another formula of expression--no longer a conditional assertion of
doubt, but a positive questioning of impending fact, "is it too soon."
That the growing German navy must be smashed he is convinced, but how
or when to do it he is not so clear.

The situation is not yet quite intolerable, and so, although many urge
an immediate attack before the enemy grows too strong, the old-time
British love of compromise and trust in luck still holds his hand. The
American "alliance" too, may yet come off. The Entente with France,
already of great value, can be developed into something more assuredly
anti-German, and if present-day relations of friendship with the
United States can be but tightened into a mutual committal of both
Powers to a common foreign policy, then the raid on Germany may never
be needed. She can be bottled up without it. No man who studies the
British mind can have any doubt of the fixed trend of British thought.

It can be summed up in one phrase. German expansion is not to be
tolerated. It can only be a threat to or attained at the expense of
British interests. Those interests being world-wide, with the seas
for their raiment nay, with the earth for their footstool--it follows
that wherever Germany may turn for an outlet she is met by the British
challenge: "Not there!" British interests interdict the Old World; the
Monroe Doctrine, maintained, it is alleged by British naval supremacy,
forbids the New.