rate acknowledged what English statesmanship before and after his time
refused to admit--the equality of Englishmen, at least when Protestants.
His policy handed down to us a legacy of justifiable hatred on the part
of Irish Catholics. But it is the fault not of the Protector, but of his
successors, that his policy did not ensure to England the loyalty of
every Protestant in Ireland.

[14] The penal laws against the Catholics in England were as severe as
those in Ireland. Their practical effect and working was however very
different in the two countries. See 1 Lecky,'History of England,' pp.
268-310.

[15] See Walpole, 'Short History of the Kingdom of Ireland,' p. 176.

[16] See a speech of Lord Clare made in defence of the Bill for
Establishing the Union with England, and republished by the Irish Loyal
and Patriotic Union.

[17] 1 De Beaumont, 'L'Irlande Sociale,' p. 251. It is of primary
consequence that Englishmen should realise the undoubted fact, that
agrarian conspiracies and agrarian outrages, such as those which baffle
the English Government in Ireland, are known to foreign countries. For
centuries the question of tenant-right, in a form very like that in
which it arises in Ireland, has been known in the parts of France near
Saint-Quentin under the name of the _droit de marché_. In France, as in
Ireland, tenants have claimed a right unknown to the law, and have
enforced the right by outrage, by boycotting, by murder. The
_Dépointeur_ is the land grabber, and is treated by French peasants
precisely as the Irish land grabber is treated by Irish peasants. See
Calonne, 'La Vie Agricole, sous l'Ancien Régime,' pp. 66-69. Precisely