liberties of the Austrian Empire. Hungary could not stand alone, and she
knew it. The compromise was in reality a politic alliance between the
two leading races among the many races governed by Francis Joseph. The
Germans and the Magyars came to terms; the alliance strengthened them
each against other foes. But with every political advantage the Dual
system, of which the permanence is not as yet at all secure, might have
proved as undurable as Grattan's Constitution of 1782 but for one
circumstance, to which I have already directed attention. At the head of
Austria-Hungary stands not an absolute, but a powerful monarch. The
authority of the Emperor is the spring which makes the cumbersome
machinery of a complicated constitution keep going. The matter is worth
attention The power of the Emperor William holds together the States of
the German Empire; the power of Francis Joseph keeps alive the Dual
system; where the Crown has a real authority trial may be made of
experiments in the way of local independence, which are impossible in a
State where, as in England, the true sovereign is an elective assembly.

Foreign experience then affords but a very tottering foundation on which
to raise pleas for Home Rule in Ireland. It may no doubt be read by
those who are already convinced that Home Rule is desirable in favour of
their views. It may confirm a faith based on other grounds, more it
cannot do. Fairly looked at, foreign experience tells rather against
than for the doctrines of Home Rule. If appealed to at all, it must be
taken as a whole. It then shows that Federalism is when nourishing a
stage towards, not a stage away from, national unity; it shows that a
strong central power above Parliamentary control is almost a condition
to the successful combination in one body of semi-independent States.[7]
It shows that the whole tendency of modern civilization flows towards
the creation of great States; national unity is, so to speak, the
watchword of the age; this is scarcely a reason for breaking up the