Ireland at most semi-independence--that is to say, it leaves Ireland at
least half dependent upon England. It is vain to argue that the position
of the member of a confederacy or of a colonial dependency will give to
Irishmen the sense of independence and responsibility which belongs to a
self-governing nation.

Grant, however (though the assumption is a hazardous one), that the
creation of an Irish government and an Irish Parliament would of itself
give to Ireland, even though she were still in many respects dependent
on England, such a new sense of power and of responsibility as would
enable her to create for herself a strong executive. This concession is
not enough to make out the argument in favour of Home Rule. Laws ought
to be not only strong but just, and Englishmen must consider whether
rulers who had come to the head of affairs solely because they
represented the strongest among many Irish factions or parties would he
able to rule with justice. The "Jacobin Conquest" installed a strong
executive in power, but England could not be an accomplice in
inaugurating a reign of terror. The connection which under any form of
Home Rule would bind together the parts of the present United Kingdom
would be, it may be suggested, a guarantee against the supremacy of an
Irish Robespierre or Danton. Granted: but if so, Home Rule would
restrain an Irish revolution. The strongest, in other words the most
reckless leaders, would be prevented from coming to the front. Ireland
would not follow her own course, and since she would not be in truth
self-governed, she would not reap the good fruits of self-government.

Nor in truth does the American version of our argument give much help to
Home Rulers.

In more than one instance popular sentiment has in the United States