amendments to the national Constitution. They rather regard them as war
measures designed by the North to humiliate and punish the people of those
States lately in rebellion. While in the main they accept the 13th
amendment and concede that the negro should have personal freedom, they
have never been altogether in harmony with the spirit and purposes of the
14th and 15th amendments. There seems to be a distinct and positive fear
on the part of the South that if the negro is given a man's chance, and is
accorded equal civil rights with white men on the juries, on common
carriers, and in public places, that it will in some way lead to his
social equality. This fallacious argument is persisted in, notwithstanding
the well-known fact, that although the Jews are the leaders in the wealth
and commerce of the South, their civil equality has never, except in rare
instances, led to any social intermingling with the Southern whites.

Holding these views the Southern people in 1875, found means to overcome
the Republican majorities in all the re-constructed States, and
practically drove the negroes out of the law-making bodies of all those
States. So that, now in all the Southern States, so far as can be
ascertained, there is not one negro sitting as a representative in any of
the law-making bodies. The next step was to deny them representation on
the grand and petit juries in the State courts, through Jury
Commissioners, who excluded them from the panels.

To be taxed without representation is a serious injustice in a republic
whose foundations are laid upon the principle of "no taxation without
representation." But serious as this phase of the case must appear,
infinitely more serious is the case when we consider the fact that they
are likewise excluded from the grand and petit juries in all the State
courts, with the fewest and rarest exceptions. The courts sit in judgment
upon their lives and liberties, and dispose of their dearest earthly