confess, they can find none against him. To suppose a man has time to
act his Villanies, must suppose him first to be a Villain: and if they
suspect him to be such, nothing more easie than to name his Crimes, and
to take from him all opportunities of future mischief. But at this rate
of bare addressing, any one who has a publick profitable Employment
might be remov'd; for upon the private Picque of a Member he may have a
party rais'd for an Address against him. And if his Majesty can no
sooner reward the Services of any one who is not of their party, but
they can vote him out of his Employment; it must at last follow, that
none but their own party must be employ'd, and then a Vote of the House
of Commons, is in effect the Government. Neither can that be call'd the
Advice and Opinion of the whole Nation, by my Author's favour, where
the other two Estates, and the Soveraign are not consenting.

_'Tis no matter_, says this Gentleman; _there are some things so
reasonable, that they are above any written Law: and will in despite of
any Power on Earth have their effect, whereof this is one_.

I love a man who deals plainly; he explicitly owns this is not Law, and
yet it is reasonable; and will have its effect as if it were. See then,
in the first place the written Law is laid aside: that sence is thrown
open to admit reason in a larger denomination. Now that reason which is
not Law, must be either Enthusiasm, or the head-strong will of a whole
Nation combin'd: because in despite of any Earthly Power it will have
its effect; so that, which way soever our Author takes it, he must mean
Fanaticism, or Rebellion: Law grounded on reason is resolv'd into the
Absolute Power of the People; and this is _Ratio ultima Reipublicae_.

Furthermore; _The King is a publick Person: in his private capacity_,
as we are told, _he can only eat and drink; and perform some other acts