ascertained, continued to control the major part of American affairs. In
Ireland the Government was systematically anti-Irish. There was no
career for Irishmen in Ireland. Both Catholics and Dissenters were
excluded from all civil and military offices; the highest posts were
generally given to Englishmen born and bred, and the country,
Episcopalian only to a fractional extent, was ruled by a narrow
Episcopalian oligarchy of wealthy landowners and prelates, who bartered
Irish freedom for the place and power of their own families and
dependents. The conditions of this sordid exchange were the ground of
the first important Anglo-Irish political struggle in the eighteenth
century, when the English Viceroy, Townshend, succeeded in 1770-71, at
the cost of half a million, in transferring the bribing power, and
therefore the controlling power, from the "Undertakers," as they were
known, direct to the Crown.

There seems to have been no continuous English policy beyond that of
making Ireland completely subservient to English interests and purposes,
and often to purposes of the most humiliating and degrading kind. The
Irish Pension List has earned immortal infamy. Jobs too scandalous to
pass muster in England were systematically foisted upon the Irish
establishment. Royal mistresses, a host of needy Germans, a Danish Queen
banished for adultery, lived in England or abroad upon incomes drawn
from the impoverished Irish Exchequer. Nor was it only a question of
pensions. Quantities of valuable sinecure offices were habitually given
to Englishmen who never came near the shores of Ireland. In short, the
English policy towards Ireland was similar to Spain's policy towards her
South American Colonies, minus the grosser forms of physical cruelty and
oppression. Yet Ireland, like the American Colonies until the verge of
the revolutionary struggle, was consistently loyal to the Crown both in
peace and war. The loyalty of Catholic Ireland, poverty-stricken,