fight with, if possible, more determination than ever.

It may be contended, no doubt, upon our part that these private reports
were none other than those which every Government receives from its
military attachés, but it must be admitted that their discovery at the
present moment is most inopportune for those who wish to persuade the
Free State that they can rely upon the assertions of Great Britain that
no design was made upon their independence. If at this moment the
portfolios of a German Staff Officer were to fall into the hands of an
English correspondent, and detailed plans for invading England were to
be published in all the newspapers as having been drawn up by German
officers told off for that purpose, it would not altogether tend to
reassure us as to the good intentions of our Imperial neighbour. How
much more serious must be the publication of these documents seized at
Dundee upon a people which is actually at war.

The concluding chapter of Mr. Reitz's eloquent impeachment of the
conduct of Great Britain in South Africa is devoted to a delineation of
what he calls Capitalistic Jingoism. It is probable that a great many
who will read with scant sympathy his narrative of the grievances of his
countrymen in the earlier part, of the century will revel in the
invective which he hurls against Mr. Rhodes and the Capitalists of the
Rand. If happier times return to South Africa, Mr. Reitz may yet find
the mistake he has made in confounding Mr. Rhodes with the mere
dividend-earning crew, who brought about this war in order to diminish
the cost of crushing gold by five or six shillings a ton. In the
realisation of the ideal of Africa for the Africanders Mr. Rhodes might
be more helpful to Mr. Reitz and the Dutch of South Africa than any
other living man. Whether it is possible for them to forget and forgive
the future alone will show. But at present it seems rather as if Mr.