as possible to extend the spirit and benefit of the British Constitution
to every part of the British dominions. The option, both of the measure
and of the principle of repeal, was made before the session; and I
wonder how any one can read the king's speech at the opening of that
session, without seeing in that speech both the repeal and the
Declaratory Act very sufficiently crayoned out. Those who cannot see
this can see nothing.

Surely the honorable gentleman will not think that a great deal less
time than was then employed ought to have been spent in deliberation,
when he considers that the news of the troubles did not arrive till
towards the end of October. The Parliament sat to fill the vacancies on
the 14th day of December, and on business the 14th of the following
January.

Sir, a partial repeal, or, as the _bon-ton_ of the court then was, a
_modification_, would have satisfied a timid, unsystematic,
procrastinating ministry, as such a measure has since done such a
ministry. A modification is the constant resource of weak, undeciding
minds. To repeal by a denial of our right to tax in the preamble (and
this, too, did not want advisers) would have cut, in the heroic style,
the Gordian knot with a sword. Either measure would have cost no more
than a day's debate. But when the total repeal was adopted, and adopted
on principles of policy, of equity, and of commerce, this plan made it
necessary to enter into many and difficult measures. It became necessary
to open a very largo field of evidence commensurate to these extensive
views. But then this labor did knights' service. It opened the eyes of
several to the true state of the American affairs; it enlarged their
ideas; it removed prejudices; and it conciliated the opinions and
affections of men. The noble lord who then took the lead in