produced by a sense of shame acting upon early affections, has made him
more popular, more beloved, more admired than ever he was before.

Look at the course of business in the House of Lords during the last few
years, and you will observe that the Duke of Wellington has been the
presiding spirit of that assembly. Nothing was done--nothing could be
done without him; for he carries with him the proxies of so many of the
thinking, experienced, far-seeing, influential of his countrymen.

It has been argued, that the Duke of Wellington possesses all this
influence by virtue of his leadership of a powerful party. Of course
this means that any other leader of the conservatives could possess as
much, or it means nothing. It is a fallacy. The Duke of Wellington's
claims are almost entirely personal. It is to himself alone that all
this silent homage is paid. Even were he to retire from active life
to-morrow, still would he be followed into his retirement by political
pupils, eager to imbibe those distillations of practical wisdom which
his sagacity extracts from his vast stores of experience.

The fundamental basis of this power is his high military reputation;
though that alone could not have secured it, unless accompanied by his
firm principles and habits of observation. England differs from France
in this respect,--that while our neighbours are more ready to elevate
talent above property than we are, they are less choice as to the degree
of the talent which they exalt. But if the English once know that they
possess a first-rate man, they place him from that hour securely on an
eminence, whence he may look down as from the heavens, upon wealth,
rank, blood, and every earthly distinction. The Duke of Wellington is a
first-rate man; and his countrymen acknowledge it with pride. But his
mind is _sui generis_. His qualities are eminently useful: he could