to wait centuries. Still, merely to lead is very subordinate in my view:
a nation should only exist, and will only exist permanently, if it has a
_reason of existence_. France has hers in the needs of the inhabitants
of a vast plain; local Britain in those of an island; with Israel it was
religion; with Imperial Rome, organised civilization; Panhellenism had
the mission of intellect; Canada too, to exist, must have a good reason
why her people shall live and act together."

"What then is our 'reason of existence?'"

"It must be an _aim_, a _work_," he said soberly.

The elder man was surprised. "My dear Haviland," he exclaimed, "Are you
sure you are practical?"

"I think I am practical, Mr. Chrysler," Haviland replied firmly. "I have
that objection so thoroughly in mind, that I would not expose my news to
an ordinary man. It is because you are broad, liberal and willing
to-examine matters in a large aspect, and that I think that in a large
aspect I shall be justified, as at least not unreasonable, that I open
my heart to you. Believe me, I am not unpractical, but only seeking a
higher plane of practicality."

"But how do you propose to get the people to follow this aim?"

"If they were shown a sensible reason why they _ought_ to be a nation,"
said he with calm distinctness,--"a reason more simple and great than
any that could be advanced against it--it is all they would require. I
propose a clear ideal for them--a vision of what Canada ought to be and
do; towards which they can look, and feel that every move of progress