than our own in one respect: nobody of any common sense thought of
spoiling such exquisite blague by taking it seriously. Its motive was
universally understood in Ireland. The orators of the movement never for
a moment dreamed of levying war on Mr Gladstone, but they were
determined to levy blackmail. They saw that they could bluff English
opinion into granting all manner of extravagant compensation for the
extinction of their privileges and their ascendancy, if only the Orange
drum was beaten loudly enough. It was a case of the more cry the more
wool. And in point of fact they succeeded. They obtained financial
arrangements of the most generous character, and, thereafter, the
battle-flags were furled. Within five years of Disestablishment the
Episcopalian Synod was praising it as the happiest event in the life of
that Church. The lawyers, being denied the martyrdom of the battlefield,
stolidly accepted that of promotion to the judicial bench, and a holy
silence descended on the divines.

This strategy having succeeded so admirably in 1868 is repeated in 1912.
"Ulster" has not the least intention of raising war or the sinews of
war; her interest is in the sinews of peace. Although she does not hold
a winning card in her hand she hopes to scoop the pool by a superb
bluff. By menaces of rebellion she expects to be able to insist that
under Home Rule she shall continue encased in an impenetrable armour of
privileges, preferences, and safeguards. She is all the more likely to
succeed because of the tenderness of Nationalist Ireland in her regard.
Short of the absolute surrender by the majority of every shred of its
rights (which is, of course, what is demanded) there are very few
safeguards that we are not prepared to concede to the superstition, the
egotism, or even the actual greed of the Orangemen. But it may as well
be understood that we are not to be either duped or bullied.