first place, it is just. I am now confining my argument to negro
suffrage in the rebel States. Have not loyal blacks quite as good a
right to choose rulers and make laws as rebel whites? In the second
place, it is a necessity in order to protect the loyal white men in
the seceded States. With them the blacks would act in a body; and it is
believed then, in each of said States, except one, the two united would
form a majority, control the States, and protect themselves. Now they
are the victims of daily murder. They must suffer constant persecution
or be exiled.

Another good reason is that it would insure the ascendency of the Union
party. "Do you avow the party purpose?" exclaims some horror-stricken
demagogue. I do. For I believe, on my conscience, that on the continued
ascendency of that party depends the safety of this great nation. If
impartial suffrage is excluded in the rebel States, then every one of
them is sure to send a solid rebel representation to Congress, and cast
a solid rebel electoral vote. They, with their kindred Copperheads of
the North, would always elect the President and control Congress. While
slavery sat upon her defiant throne, and insulted and intimidated the
trembling North, the South frequently divided on questions of policy
between Whigs and Democrats, and gave victory alternately to the
sections. Now, you must divide them between loyalists, without regard
to color, and disloyalists, or you will be the perpetual vassals of the
free-trade, irritated, revengeful South. For these, among other reasons,
I am for negro suffrage in every rebel State. If it be just, it should
not be denied; if it be necessary, it should be adopted; if it be a
punishment to traitors, they deserve it.