argues that these proclaimed the design of Providence that we should be
a commercial people. I agree with him. We differ only as to the means.
He would cherish the foreign, and neglect the internal, trade. I would
foster both. What is navigation without ships, or ships without cargoes?
By penetrating the bosoms of our mountains, and extracting from them
their precious treasures; by cultivating the earth, and securing a home
market for its rich and abundant products; by employing the water power
with which we are blessed; by stimulating and protecting our native
industry, in all its forms; we shall but nourish and promote the
prosperity of commerce, foreign and domestic.

I have hitherto considered the question in reference only to a state of
peace; but who can tell when the storm of war shall again break forth?
Have we forgotten so soon the privations to which not merely our brave
soldiers and our gallant tars were subjected, but the whole community,
during the last war, for the want of absolute necessaries? To what an
enormous price they rose! And how inadequate the supply was, at any
price! The states-man who justly elevates his views will look behind
as well as forward, and at the existing state of things; and he will
graduate the policy which he recommends to all the probable exigencies
which may arise in the republic. Taking this comprehensive range, it
would be easy to show that the higher prices of peace, if prices were
higher in peace, were more than compensated by the lower prices of war,
during which supplies of all essential articles are indispensable to its
vigorous, effectual, and glorious prosecution. I conclude this part
of the argument with the hope that my humble exertions have not been
altogether unsuccessful in showing:

First, that the policy which we have been considering ought to continue
to be regarded as the genuine American system.