form this Confederacy; and it is by the abuse of language that their act
has been denominated revolution. They formed a new alliance, but
within each State its government has remained. The rights of person
and property have not been disturbed. The agent through whom they
communicated with foreign nations is changed, but this does not
necessarily interrupt their international relations. Sustained by the
consciousness that the transition from the former Union to the present
Confederacy has not proceeded from a disregard on our part of our just
obligations or any failure to perform every constitutional duty, moved
by no interest or passion to invade the rights of others, anxious to
cultivate peace and commerce with all nations, if we may not hope to
avoid war, we may at least expect that posterity will acquit us of
having needlessly engaged in it. Doubly justified by the absence of
wrong on our part, and by wanton aggression on the part of others, there
can be no use to doubt the courage and patriotism of the people of the
Confederate States will be found equal to any measure of defence which
soon their security may require.

An agricultural people, whose chief interest is the export of a
commodity required in every manufacturing country, our true policy is
peace and the freest trade which our necessities will permit. It is
alike our interest and that of all those to whom we would sell and
from whom we would buy, that there should be the fewest practicable
restrictions upon the interchange of commodities. There can be but
little rivalry between ours and any manufacturing or navigating
community, such as the northeastern States of the American Union. It
must follow, therefore, that mutual interest would invite good-will and
kind offices. If, however, passion or lust of dominion should cloud the
judgment or inflame the ambition of those States, we must prepare to
meet the emergency, and maintain by the final arbitrament of the sword