despotisms of the fifteenth century. The second raises the question why
Italian differs from any other national history, why the people failed
to achieve unity either under a sovereign or in a powerful
confederation. These two subjects of inquiry are closely connected and
interdependent. They bring into play the several points that have been
indicated as partially and imperfectly explanatory of the problem of
Italy. But, since I have undertaken to write neither a constitutional
nor a political history, but a history of culture at a certain epoch, it
will be enough to treat of these two questions briefly, with the special
view of showing under what conditions the civilization of the
Renaissance came to maturity in numerous independent Communes, reduced
at last by necessary laws of circumstance to tyranny; and how it was
checked at the point of transition to its second phase of modern
existence, by political weakness inseparable from the want of national
coherence in the shock with mightier military races.

Modern Italian history may be said to begin with the retirement of
Honorius to Ravenna and the subsequent foundation of Odoacer's Kingdom
in 476. The Western Empire ended, and Rome was recognized as a Republic.
When Zeno sent the Goths into Italy, Theodoric established himself at
Ravenna, continued the institutions and usages of the ancient Empire,
and sought by blending with the people to naturalize his alien
authority. Rome was respected as the sacred city of ancient culture and
civility. Her Consuls, appointed by the Senate, were confirmed in due
course by the Greek Emperor; and Theodoric made himself the vicegerent
of the Cæsars rather than an independent sovereign. When we criticise
the Ostro-Gothic occupation by the light of subsequent history, it is
clear that this exclusion of the capital from Theodoric's conquest and
his veneration for the Eternal City were fatal to the unity of the
Italian realm. From the moment that Rome was separated from the