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New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915 - April-September, 1915 by Various
page 99 of 450 (22%)
to give up cheerfully in the middle of life a familiar method of dealing
with things in favor of a new and untried one as it is to change one's
language or emigrate to an entirely different land. I realize what this
proposal means to diplomatists when I try to suppose myself united to
assist in the abolition of written books and journalism in favor of the
gramophone and the cinematograph. Or united to adopt German as my means
of expression. It is only by an enormous pressure of opinion in the
world behind these monarchs, ministers, and representatives that they
will be induced even to consider the possibility of adapting themselves
to this novel style of international dealing through a permanent
congress. It is only the consideration of its enormous hopefulness for
the rest of the world that gives one the courage to advocate it.

In the question of the possible abolition of the present diplomatic
system, just as in the case of the possible abolition of war, while on
the side for abolition there must be a hugely preponderating interest
and a hugely preponderating majority, it is, nevertheless, a dispersed
interest and an unorganized, miscellaneous majority. The minority is, on
the other hand, compact, more intensively and more immediately
interested and able to resist such great changes with a maximum of
efficiency. There is a tremendous need, therefore, for a world congress
organization propaganda if this advantageously posted minority is to be
overcome.

And from such countries as the American States in particular, and from
the small liberal neutrals in Europe, whose diplomacy is least developed
and least influential, liberal-minded people through the world are most
disposed to expect, and do expect, a lead in this particular matter. The
liberal forces in Britain, France, and Russia are extraordinarily
embarrassed and enslaved by the vast belligerent necessities into which
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