share foreign policy with the Dominions; and Sir Wilfrid declared
that Canada did not want to share this responsibility with the
British government. Seemingly Sir Wilfrid thus accepted, despite his
repeated claim that Canada was a nation, a subordinate relation to
Great Britain in the field of foreign relations which is the real
test of nationhood. In fact, however, this was the crowning
manifestation of his wariness and far-sightedness. He realized in
1911 what is only now beginning to be understood by public men who
succeeded to his high office, that a method of consultation
obviously defective and carrying with it in reality no suspensory or
veto power, involves by indirection the adoption of that very
centralizing system which it had been his purpose to block. If, Sir
Wilfrid said, Dominions gave advice they must be prepared to back it
with all their strength; yet "we have taken the position in Canada
that we do not think we are bound to take part in every war." He saw
in 1911 as clearly as Lloyd George did in 1921 (as witness the
latter's statement to the House of Commons in that year on the Irish
treaty) that the policy of consultation gave the Dominions a shadowy
and unreal power; but imposed upon them a responsibility, serious
and inescapable. He thus felt himself obliged to discourage the
procedure suggested by Premier Fisher of Australia, even though, to
the superficial observer, this involved him in the contradiction of,
at the same time, exalting and depreciating the status of his
country.


LAURIER'S VIEW OF CANADA'S FUTURE

What conception was there in Laurier's mind as to the right future
for Canada? He revealed it pretty clearly on several occasions;