chastising the rebellious American colonists into submission. These
privileges, continued and embodied in the act of confederation, were
enjoyed by the French-Canadians--as they believed--by virtue of
Imperial guarantees; they held that they were safe in their
enjoyment only While there was in the last analysis British control
over Canada and while the final judgment on Canadian laws was passed
by British courts. But their colonialism, unlike that of the
English-Canadians, was of a quality that could never be transmuted into
Imperialism. The racial mysticism of that movement repelled them;
and still more they were deterred by the cost and dangers of
Imperialistic adventure. It was for England, in return for their
whole-hearted acceptance of colonial subordination, to protect them
internally against any courses by the English-Canadians which they
might choose to regard as an infringement of their privileged
position and externally against all danger of invasion or conquest.

If Sir Wilfrid had been called upon to choose only between these two
camps he could perhaps have made a choice which would not have been
ultimately a political liability. But the situation was not so
simple. There was a third factor which, alike by inclination and
political necessity, Sir Wilfrid had to take into account. This was
Canadian nationalism, in contrast with the racial nationalism of
which Mr. Bourassa was the apostle. The backing upon which Sir
Wilfrid relied at first to resist the military and naval policies of
the Imperialists was the timidity and reluctances of colonialism;
but he knew that this was at best a temporary expedient. To urgings
that Canada should assist in the upkeep of the Imperial navy by
money contributions and should also maintain special militia forces
available for service in Imperial wars overseas, Sir Wilfrid felt
that some more plausible reply than a brusque refusal was necessary;