to work upon the roads, and thus make them contribute to the nation's
wealth. He referred to the works of Jefferson, which he had read, to the
_Federalist_, which he had read, and to much else, of which at that time
I did not know a line. I studied Reverdy's face to see whether or not
Reverdy concurred in what Douglas said. I had confidence in Reverdy, and
was willing to go along with Douglas if Reverdy approved of these
programs; although my English blood was stirred to some extent by
Douglas' evident hostility to Great Britain. I sensed that Reverdy did
not wholly agree with Douglas in all his theories and plans. But Reverdy
knew that he could not cope with such a whirlwind as this dynamic
logician. He therefore at times smiled a half disapproval, but did not
express it. For myself I found my mind consenting to the magic of
Douglas' vision. I did not relish the idea of England's surrendering
Oregon; but, on the other hand, since my fortunes were cast in the
United States, did it not behoove me to draw upon the country's
increasing prosperity and to help to increase it? Texas did not matter.
I did not fancy the institution of slavery. It grated upon my
sensibilities; but I had a very slight understanding of it in the
concrete. I was glad that England was rid of it. I had never admired the
Wesleys, the Methodists; but I was glad to give them credit for what
they had done to relieve England of such an abomination. I rejoiced that
more than seven years before I was born Clarkson and Wilberforce had
brought about the abolition of this traffic from the land of my nativity
and its dependencies.

Then here was Zoe. If I was indifferent to slavery I had to be logical
and be indifferent to her becoming a subject of barter. At least what,
but a sentimental reason, could I set up against the enforced servitude
of Zoe? What did it matter in point of justice and civilization that the
South could not carry on her commercial interests without slavery? Was