large and most important portion of the Home Rule Bill was not
discussed at all in the Commons. And this Bill contained
provisions, not appearing in its original form, for the retention
of eighty Irish members at Westminster with full authority to take
part in every kind of legislation which might be laid before
Parliament; though Mr. Gladstone himself held the fairness to
England of this provision dubious[2] and Mr. (now Lord) Morley had
in 1886 demonstrated by reasoning which to my mind is absolutely
conclusive that under a system of Home Rule the presence of Irish
representatives in the Imperial Parliament at Westminster would
work fatal injury to Ireland and gross injustice to England.[3] Can
any man able to draw from political precedents their true meaning
believe that Mr. Asquith, and the allies who are his masters, will
be more scrupulous in forcing the next Home Rule Bill through the
House of Lords than was Mr. Gladstone in forcing the Home Rule Bill
of 1893 through the House of Commons? Mr. Asquith is supported by a
large though incongruous majority. His almost avowed aim in pushing
the Parliament Bill, unchanged and unchangeable, through the Houses
of Parliament is to force the Home Rule Bill on the people of Great
Britain against their will. Hesitation to make use of this
dictatorial authority, should he ever obtain it, will to himself
mean political ruin; to his English supporters it will seem
political pusillanimity; by his Irish confederates it will be
denounced as breach of faith and treachery. As certainly as night
follows day the passing of the Parliament Act will be succeeded by
the attempted passing of a Home Rule Act.

_Secondly_.--Mr. Redmond and the Home Rulers, or Separatists, of
whom he is the leader, will exact under any Home Rule Bill of say
1912 or 1913, at lowest, every advantage which was demanded by