article is enhanced by the taxes which fall upon the home makers, and
which are largely devoted to keeping up our great open market, but the
price of the foreign article is not so enhanced, though it has the
full benefit of the open market all the same. Moreover, the price of
the home-made article is also enhanced by the many restrictions which
we place, and rightly place, on home manufacture in the interests of
the workers--restrictions as to hours, methods of working, sanitary
conditions, and so forth--all excellent, all laudable, but expensive,
and from which the foreign maker is often absolutely, and always
comparatively, free. The Tariff Reformer is all for the open market,
but he is for fair play as between those who compete in it, and he
holds that even cheapness ought not to be sought at the expense of
unfairness to the British producer.

I say, then, that the Tariff Reformer starts with the idea of a
moderate all-round tariff. But he is not going to ride his principle
to death. He is essentially practical. There are some existing duties,
like those on alcoholic liquors, the high rate of which is justified
for other than fiscal reasons. He sees no reason to lower these
duties. On the other hand, there are some articles, such as raw
cotton, which compete with no British produce, and even a slight
enhancement of the price of which might materially injure our export
trade. The Tariff Reformer would place these on a free list, for he
feels that, however strong may be the argument for moderate all-round
duties as a guiding rule, it is necessary to admit exceptions even to
the best of rules, and it is part of his creed that we are bound to
study the actual effect of particular duties both upon ourselves and
upon others. No doubt that means hard work, an intimate acquaintance
with the details of our industry and trade, an eye upon the
proceedings of foreign countries. A modern tariff, if it is to be