am wenigsten in einem verderbten Volke, mit den Mitteln der Moral zu
lösen sind, so ist es unverständig das Buch von Fürsten zu verschreien.
Macchiavelli hatte einen Herrscher zu schildern, keinen Klosterbruder.'
The last sentence may at least be accepted as a last word by practical
politicians. Ranke and Macaulay, and a host of competent Germans and
Italians have lent their thought and pens to solve the riddle in the
Florentine's favour. And lastly, the course of political events in
Europe have seemed to many the final justification of the teaching of
_The Prince_. The leaders of the Risorgimento thought that they found in
letters, 'writ with a stiletto,' not only the inspirations of patriotism
and the aspirations to unity, but a sure and trusted guide to the
achievement. Germany recognised in the author a schoolmaster to lead
them to unification, and a military instructor to teach them of an Armed
People. Half Europe snatched at the principle of Nationality. For in
_The Prince_, Machiavelli not only begat ideas but fertilised the ideas
of others, and whatever the future estimation of the book may be, it
stands, read or unread, as a most potent, if not as the dominant, factor
in European politics for four hundred years.

[Sidenote: The _Discorsi_.]

The _Discorsi_, printed in Rome by Blado, 1537, are not included in the
present edition, as the first English translation did not appear until
1680, when almost the entire works of Machiavelli were published by an
anonymous translator in London. But some account and consideration of
their contents is imperative to any review of the Florentine's political
thoughts. Such Discorsi and Relazioni were not uncommon at the time. The
stronger and younger minds of the Renaissance wearied of discussing in
the lovely gardens of the Rucellai the ideas of Plato or the allegories
of Plotinus. The politics of Aristotle had just been intelligibly