These and other various causes combined to produce the following
situation. The reader must remember that the processes which are here
compressed into a few pages took place slowly, gradually, insidiously,
over a period of about five months.

As the President had thought nothing out, the Council was generally
working on the basis of a French or British draft. He had to take up,
therefore, a persistent attitude of obstruction, criticism, and
negation, if the draft was to become at all in line with his own ideas
and purpose. If he was met on some points with apparent generosity (for
there was always a safe margin of quite preposterous suggestions which
no one took seriously), it was difficult for him not to yield on others.
Compromise was inevitable, and never to compromise on the essential,
very difficult. Besides, he was soon made to appear to be taking the
German part and laid himself open to the suggestion (to which he was
foolishly and unfortunately sensitive) of being "pro-German."

After a display of much principle and dignity in the early days of the
Council of Ten, he discovered that there were certain very important
points in the program of his French, British, or Italian colleague, as
the case might be, of which he was incapable of securing the surrender
by the methods of secret diplomacy. What then was he to do in the last
resort? He could let the Conference drag on an endless length by the
exercise of sheer obstinacy. He could break it up and return to America
in a rage with nothing settled. Or he could attempt an appeal to the
world over the heads of the Conference. These were wretched
alternatives, against each of which a great deal could be said. They
were also very risky,--especially for a politician. The President's
mistaken policy over the Congressional election had weakened his
personal position in his own country, and it was by no means certain