increasingly become related to the defense of Taiwan (Formosa). This
is indeed also recognized by the Chinese Communists. Military
dispositions have been made by the United States so that a
Presidential determination, if made, would be followed by action both
timely and effective.

7. The President and I earnestly hope that the Chinese Communist
regime will not again, as in the case of Korea, defy the basic
principle upon which world order depends, namely, that armed force
should not be used to achieve territorial ambitions. Any such naked
use of force would pose an issue far transcending the offshore islands
and even the security of Taiwan (Formosa). It would forecast a
widespread use of force in the Far East which would endanger vital
free-world positions, and the security of the United States.
Acquiescence therein would threaten peace everywhere. We believe that
the civilized world community will never condone overt military
conquest as a legitimate instrument of policy.

8. The United States has not, however, abandoned hope that Peiping
will stop short of defying the will of mankind for peace. This would
not require it to abandon its claims, however ill-founded we may deem
them to be. I recall that in the extended negotiations which the
representatives of the United States and Chinese Communist regime
conducted at Geneva between 1955 and 1958, a sustained effort was made
by the United States to secure, with particular reference to the
Taiwan area, a declaration of mutual and reciprocal renunciation of
force, except in self-defense, which, however, would be without
prejudice to the pursuit of policies by peaceful means. The Chinese
Communists rejected any such declaration. We believe, however, that
such a course of conduct constitutes the only civilized and acceptable