paramount to all other rights whatsoever. There are ways and means by
which a good man would not even save the commonwealth.... All things
founded on the idea of danger ought in a great degree to be temporary.
All policy is very suspicious that sacrifices any part to the ideal good
of the whole. The object of the state is (as far as may be) the
happiness of the whole. Whatever makes multitudes of men utterly
miserable can never answer that object; indeed, it contradicts it wholly
and entirely; and the happiness or misery of mankind, estimated by their
feelings and sentiments, and not by any theories of their rights, is,
and ought to be, the standard for the conduct of legislators towards the
people. This naturally and necessarily conducts us to the peculiar and
characteristic situation of a people, and to a knowledge of their
opinions, prejudices, habits, and all the circumstances that diversify
and color life. The first question a good statesman would ask himself,
therefore, would be, How and in what circumstances do you find the
society? and to act upon them.

To the other laws relating to other sects I have nothing to say: I only
look to the petition which has given rise to this proceeding. I confine
myself to that, because in my opinion its merits have little or no
relation to that of the other laws which the right honorable gentleman
has with so much ability blended with it. With the Catholics, with the
Presbyterians, with the Anabaptists, with the Independents, with the
Quakers, I have nothing at all to do. They are in _possession_,--a great
title in all human affairs. The tenor and spirit of our laws, whether
they were restraining or whether they were relaxing, have hitherto taken
another course. The spirit of our laws has applied their penalty or
their relief to the supposed abuse to be repressed or the grievance to
be relieved; and the provision for a Catholic and a Quaker has been
totally different, according to his exigence: you did not give a