producing revolutions similar to their own. 2. The next is, whether we
have any cabals formed or forming within these kingdoms, to coöperate
with them for the destruction of our Constitution. On the solution of
these two questions, joined with our opinion of the value of the object
to be affected by their machinations, the justness of our alarm and the
necessity of our vigilance must depend. Every private conspiracy, every
open attack upon the laws, is dangerous. One robbery is an alarm to all
property; else I am sure we exceed measure in our punishment. As
robberies increase in number and audacity, the alarm increases. These
wretches are at war with us upon principle. They hold this government to
be an usurpation. See the language of the Department.

The whole question is on the _reality_ of the danger. Is it such a
danger as would justify that fear _qui cadere potest in hominem
constantem et non metuentem_? This is the fear which the principles of
jurisprudence declare to be a lawful and justifiable fear. When a man
threatens my life openly and publicly, I may demand from him securities
of the peace. When every act of a man's life manifests such a design
stronger than by words, even though he does not make such a declaration,
I am justified in being on my guard. They are of opinion that they are
already one fifth of the kingdom. If so, their force is naturally not
contemptible. To say that in all contests the decision will of course be
in favor of the greater number is by no means true in fact. For, first,
the greater number is generally composed of men of sluggish tempers,
slow to act, and unwilling to attempt, and, by being in possession, are
so disposed to peace that they are unwilling to take early and vigorous
measures for their defence, and they are almost always caught
unprepared:--

Nec coïere pares: alter vergentibus annis