them neither reflection to frame, nor pains to modify, nor management to
support. The task is of another nature to those who mean to promise
nothing that it is not in their intention, or may possibly be in their
power to perform,--to those who are bound and principled no more to
delude the understandings than to violate the liberty of their
fellow-subjects. Faithful watchmen we ought to be over the rights and
privileges of the people. But our duty, if we are qualified for it as we
ought, is to give them information, and not to receive it from them: we
are not to go to school to them, to learn the principles of law and
government. In doing so, we should not dutifully serve, but we should
basely and scandalously betray the people, who are not capable of this
service by nature, nor in any instance called to it by the Constitution.
I reverentially look up to the opinion of the people, and with an awe
that is almost superstitious. I should be ashamed to show my face before
them, if I changed my ground as they cried up or cried down men or
things or opinions,--if I wavered and shifted about with every change,
and joined in it or opposed as best answered any low interest or
passion,--if I held them up hopes which I knew I never intended, or
promised what I well knew I could not perform. Of all these things they
are perfect sovereign judges without appeal; but as to the detail of
particular measures, or to any general schemes of policy, they have
neither enough of speculation in the closet nor of experience in
business to decide upon it. They can well see whether we are tools of a
court or their honest servants. Of that they can well judge,--and I wish
that they always exercised their judgment; but of the particular merits
of a measure I have other standards....

That the frequency of elections proposed by this bill has a tendency to
increase the power and consideration of the electors, not lessen
corruptibility, I do most readily allow: so far it is desirable. This is